El papel de Estados Unidos en la crisis que se vive entre los países del Golfo e Irán hacen necesario un cambio de estrategia en lo que a las sanciones sobre el país persa concierna.
The long negotiations to enter the OECD somewhat detracted from the attention the government of Israel devoted to the powerful message initially sent by the EU in 2003-2004 offering Israel a “stake in the Internal Market.”
“Europa pierde el tiempo abandonando a la orilla sur, a pesar de que su destino histórico sea ser solidaria con el Magreb, también con el África negra. Los europeos saben que su futuro depende de ello”.
Los cambios en el mundo árabe suponen un estímulo para los palestinos, al tiempo que han hecho surgir un movimiento de protesta en Israel.
Pese a la esperanza de las revueltas, la política internacional y sus reglas de juego cambian con mucha mayor lentitud.
Without entirely discarding the institutional foundations of previous policy mechanisms, the EU is helping to forge a new policy matrix. Steps taken so far have been cautious, and rightly so.
Le « printemps arabe » est vieux maintenant d’une dizaine de mois. La question se pose toujours de savoir si l’Europe a cessé d’être négligente sur la question des réformes politiques chez les voisins du sud.
After having been a strategic cornerstone of international relations for several centuries, the Mediterranean lost its importance in favour of the Atlantic, followed later by the Pacific.
Too great a focus on the new actors to the political scene, whether Islamists or the Facebook generation, risks overlooking the role of the hidden, but doubtlessly active, losers of the ‘Arab Spring’.
In the last decade both economic and political relations between Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states and Arab Mediterranean countries have intensified.
The presence of the Big Four in the Mediterranean Region is growing and diversifying. First of all we must emphasize to what point the intervention of the BRIC countries in the region affects the Northern Mediterranean.